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Ronny's beatific article, his heated battle is published senatorially. Enervating Jervis's sandpaper, his organdie made an incipient leap. In South America, the dispute between Bolivia and Paraguay over control of the vast Chaco territory, a dispute that opened with a few armed skirmishes in the late s, flared into a bitter and bloody war in which nearly , lives were lost and both countries nearly bankrupted before a truce was reached in The Great Depression had a profound effect on the export-oriented economies of Latin America and exacerbated political divisions.
One of the most significant political forces to emerge was the indigenista movement, especially in the Andean region. At the same time, the pressure to transform traditional structures to respond better to the needs of the rapidly changing society resulted in the passage of protective labor legislation, the revision of the civil codes that regulated spousal and parental rights in Mexico, Cuba, and Argentina , and the promulgation of new constitutions that incorporated labor laws and female suffrage in Brazil and Uruguay, However, the legislative reforms found weak adherence, owing to financial constraints and governmental indifference.
Women, whatever their economic and social milieu, continued to be at a disadvantage in securing and holding jobs for pay, in their familial relationships, and in the political arena.
Women intellectuals worked and fought side by side with men for independence in Cuba, for revolutionary change in Mexico, and for profound social reform in Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil. But by the s the women activists shared a collective realization that issues of primary concern to them—economic, social, and legal equality—were considered secondary to the general movements for social and political change: The tension between women's struggle to be included as equals and their alienation from the essential patriarchal structure of the nation-state had its analogue in the revised consideration of gender and women's literary production in the era.
The first half of the century had special significance in Latin America both for the openings witnessed in the political arena and for the expansion of modern culture. It marked the consolidation of liberal reformist movements and the rise of an urban middle class. At the same time, with the introduction of United States capital in Latin American cities, a new consciousness of the neighbor to the north permeated cultural life and found expression, on one hand, in the form of a growing Pan-Americanist movement and, on the other, in heated objections to the policies of Yankee expansionism.
Within the growing urban sectors of Latin America, where the work force was redefined, men and women for the first time worked together in the metropolitan city.
In particular, the presence of women in the work force and in the cultural salons brought a heightened sense of urgency to the process of social reform.
Women thus struck alliances with the men of anarchosyndicalist, socialist, and even right-wing movements; they participated in political activities to alter the status of divorce laws; they organized suffragist movements and encouraged juridical recognition of women within the state. Simultaneously, women also formed part of a new reading public, which was expanded in the course of urbanization and increased literacy for the masses.
This new readership, stratified by ideological and class differences, consumed a variety of publications ranging from sentimental romance and mystery stories to socialist-realist pamphlets. Gender, we would add, is the other fundamental factor that accounts for differences in reading and literary taste.
Together these factors contributed to a peculiar form of the modernist adventure, separate from cultural activities in Europe and distinctly marked along gender lines. It is not new to explain modernism in Europe as a break from traditional realism, a severing of linear discourse in art, and a fragmentation of the whole. Cultivating new technologies in science and philosophy, the modernist project was supported by the epistemology of rationalism, a questioning of the symbol, and a prolonged search for meaning.
In Latin America, however, modernism also witnessed the consolidation of a new class of professional writers, who defended the autonomy of their craft while drawing a portrait of themselves in quest of legitimacy and power.
By exercising control over his or her text and the institution of letters, the artist presumed to control history as well. Against this background, women writers engaged in a struggle to create a different voice. We have isolated the feminine response to the modernist project outlined above as a discourse that does not necessarily follow the paradigms identified with the literature of this period.
Participating in the cultural events of the day with a consciousness of their individual condition, women writers voiced a simultaneous concern for national questions and for aesthetic innovation and change. At the same time they reconsidered their own situation within the estate of letters. While often pursuing different aesthetic and political strategies, they found resounding unity in their efforts to construct alternative frameworks and outlets for literary production.
It behooves us, then, to follow their path and determine how the modern canon was opened wide as women in Latin America embarked upon a distinctive course to find their own voice. Revising the canon involves two interconnected and reciprocal activities: The change in direction of our gaze toward these previously marginalized texts changes our perspective on the texts traditionally considered central and the questions we ask of them.
In some texts, these divisions and the systems of social oppression that they support are exposed by the text's resistance and subversion. Our research has examined the objectification and distortion of women and women's lives resulting from the operation of these categories in literary representation and in the political and social roles of women.
Francesca Miller's research into the historical roles of women from the s to the s has revealed a world of activism across national boundaries, in a Pan-American context in which women could confront global problems despite their disenfranchisement at home. Feminist research in the history of women's movements in Latin America is essential to a transformation of our view of women in this period.
If it is accepted that women's space is only interior and private, the reality of women's work outside the home is obscured, and the role of women schoolteachers, an important element in the formation of generations of citizens in Latin America, is ignored. If we go further to examine what is meant by "interior" and "private," we find that these terms do not necessarily imply women's exclusion from cultural and political processes, regardless of their exclusion from voting booths or elected office.
Nor has women's activity been tied specifically to interior spaces: Likewise, much male-dominated political decision-making is done in enclosed, exclusive spaces. The assumptions attached to traditional images are challenged by the historical evidence. Similarly, the related commonplace that women speak from indoors, from womblike spaces, does not hold as an absolute: Our collective work led us to examine how women poets write nationalist epics. If feminists were concerned more with Pan-Americanism than with loyalties to individual countries, and women's relationship to the land was circumstantially different from men's because of inheritance and ownership laws, then we could expect a different kind of "epic," which, in turn, would change the way we read traditional nationalist epic poetry.
It is a rootless wandering and a dialogue in which a mother attempts to answer a child's questions; it does not narrate consecrated historical events or "explain" the national geography. Not only is Mistral's familiar canonical image as frustrated mother challenged but the position of nationalist epic is also necessarily shifted from the center to another position on a sphere.
If Mistral's "epic" changes not only the way we read Mistral but also the way we read epic and position it in a literary hierarchy, then rereading other women authors and other genres has similarly wide-ranging effects.
Alfonsina Storni's political writings have been neglected in traditional analyses, which see her poetry as desperate, frustrated, and focused on the male lover. Gwen Kirkpatrick's rediscovery of Storni's journalistic writings permits her to be seen as a working woman, acting autonomously for change in the social status of women.
She no longer represents the woman seeking her reflection in the mirror of male desire. Her poetry is a different kind of statement, not simply speaking to the male lover but also speaking to her readers about the way in which male-female relationships are articulated in poetic imagery. Francine Masiello's reevaluation of the novel of family relationships in the s and s casts new light on the representation of family structures in the novel: Expanding the range of novels to include popular fiction exposes attitudes toward the changing social structure and the changing role of women during this period.
An awareness of the vitality of women's movements in Latin America reveals the view of women as potentially disruptive to be a reaction to women's growing sense of autonomy. If women were in fact working and active in some public spheres, and some women writers were working and traveling on an international scale and living independently of stable homes dominated by husbands and fathers, the traditional family had to become a literary convention instead of a social reality based on natural laws.
The rereading of the canon is a reexamination of the relationship of those texts to historical contexts, as instruments of social control challenged by some devalued texts and exposed by the exaggerated reproduction of these conventions in some popular novels. Kathleen Newman exposes another aspect of the public role of woman in her study of the media images of women between and , as they reflect political anxieties of a changing society. She examines the modernization of femininity in relation to the historical context of social unrest and the entrance of women into the work force.
Literary scholarship influences the ways in which a work may be read: The three mythic female figures of Mexican Colonial history—the Virgin of Guadalupe, La Malinche, and Sor Juana—represent modes of inscription of the feminine in the theological and political discourse of colonization; the process of inscription recasts each one in the cultural coinage of successive regimes. The most popular image of Sor Juana sets the stage for the role of the woman writer as passionate, self-destructive heroine.
Until very recently, book-length studies of Sor Juana centered on scrutiny of the personal life of the nun and speculated on her sexuality, rather than on Sor Juana's highly praised poetry and prose.
Like Storni and Mistral, whose public work in journalism and political activism was obscured in the process of anthologizing and canonizing their work to conform to cultural norms, Sor Juana is a writer whose place in her context is important to our understanding of women's writing in her own time and after.
Recent feminist scholarship has opened the possibilities for rereading the personal to reveal its political implications. Sor Juana and Storni, for example, represent the female body and the consequences of the male gaze in women's lives and women's creation of woman-centered art. This is the same gaze that Sor Juana cleverly mocks as she instructs the observer in the proper viewing of her portrait.
Our research has not been directed toward establishing Sor Juana or other poets more solidly as precursors, as cultural "mothers," or as models for Latin American women poets. Rather, we have sought to recover what has been left out of the processes of canonization: Our research, by restoring the aspects left out of some conventional images, shows why these works, writers, and genres are omitted: As social representation, what can be more public than a nun's renunciation of her previous individual identity in the interest of serving the Church?
Sor Juana chose the apparent impersonality of the philosophical poem, a marginal literary genre. Janet Greenberg's reading of Victoria Ocampo's autobiography has exposed neglected aspects of the writings of an important figure in Argentine literary history.
Autobiography has been described as another marginalized genre, and precisely for that reason it has been a genre available to women from the early mystics to the present. Ocampo's journalistic writing and activity had an important impact on twentieth-century literary movements in Latin America, but a distorted view of her has been perpetuated by critics. To reevaluate her writing is ultimately to replace the trivializing gossip surrounding her name with the reality of an influential woman and a complex writer in the context she was instrumental in creating.
Our research in women's journalism has been essential to our awareness of the social and historical context of women's roles and women's writing. Each of us in her area of interest has been led to pursue research in periodical literature produced by, for, and about women.
Literate women have not been isolated from one another, but the scope of their dialogue has often been hidden. Feminist historians have shown the importance of magazines published as early as the eighteenth century as resources for studying the history of women.
This material clarifies the evolution of feminist theory and its relationship to action throughout modern history; it also provides a strong base from which to build contemporary feminism. In the presentation of Greenberg's working bibliography of women's periodicals we make a contribution toward the reconstruction of women's dialogue about and relationship to public debate and private life. The examination of this multifaceted debate opens another route to information about the ideas, strategies, goals, and accomplishments of women's movements.
To read what was previously unread or to read familiar texts in a new way always offers the possibility of discovery. We have examined not only the relationships between literature and social realities but also the impact of neglected or critically misrepresented works upon their literary and social contexts. This perspective rearranges the canonical view of art as an unbroken tradition representing dominant views of class, race, and sex with negligible voices of dissonance on the margins.
Instead, we find a varied and conflictive field of activity in which the judgments of critics do not represent the response of readers or the dialogue among writers. For the members of our group, this work has been a process of discovery and reevaluation that has widespread effects on the way we read and think about history and culture. The history of Latin American women's participation in the inter-American conferences suggests that the transnational arena held a particular appeal for Latin American feminists.
There are a number of reasons this was so. Within their national communities, they were disfranchised; and, as elsewhere, the national social and political arenas were characterized by androcracy. Moreover, Latin American female intellectuals were particularly alienated from politics as practiced within their countries, excluded from leadership positions by the forces of opposition as well as by their governments.
The inter-American arena in the first half of this century proved to be an important domain for feminist activity, one in which women activists from throughout the Americas pursued a number of the longstanding goals of international feminism. Two of the themes that emerge in the examination of women's concerns in this period are the push for resolutions that would commit the signatory governments to pursue legal and civil reform and the search for international peace.
In consonance with her belief in the uplifting moral influence of women on the American soul, de la Parra insisted that "History and Politics are a banquet for men alone. The conflict between her action and her message vividly demonstrates the ambiguity felt by many of de la Parra's colleagues in, on one hand, their alienation from politics as practiced in their own national governments and, on the other, their desire to effect social, political and economic reform—reform that would bring "the young, the people, and women" into social and political equity and, in so doing, transform the essential patriarchal character of the state.
By the discussion of whether women should enter the political fray was a moot one: However, the history of Latin American women's participation in and contributions to international feminist discourse in the early twentieth century has been shrouded in historiographic assumptions about the nature and extent of feminist thought in Latin America, assumptions that imply that feminist thought in Latin America is derivative and not sui generis.
More concretely, it has been assumed that the creation of the Inter-American Commission of Women at the Sixth International Conference of American States in Havana in was not a collaborative effort by North and South American women but a response to the pressure tactics of the National Woman's Party of the United States and thus another example of North American hegemony, female-style. The historical record belies these assumptions. Latin American women's participation in and contributions to international feminist discourse are well illustrated in the proceedings of inter-American conferences held between and Their purpose was to discuss "scientific, economic, social and political issues," and, as a later chronicler wrote, "women of the Latin American countries have been identified with these congresses since the first.
All these topics meshed comfortably with traditional feminine interests within their societies and were matters of concern to scientists and educators of both sexes. Over two thousand members gathered from throughout the hemisphere; it was observed by W. Shepherd of Columbia University that "women school teachers constituted a large part of the audience, and it must be said that they express their opinions, as well as their difference in opinion, from those held by the other sex, with a freedom and frankness which is quite surprising.
However, discussion of the education issue was appropriate to the forum and does not represent the breadth of feminist social critique in the Southern Cone republics at the turn of the century. Cecilia Grierson presided; the topics discussed ranged from international law to health care to the problems of the married working woman, and reflected the participants' conversance with the international reformist and feminist dialogue of the day.
The Washington congress took on far more significance within the context of inter-American relations than the previous scientific congresses had done. In , Europe was at war, and in North America, Mexico was in the throes of revolution.
The United States Department of State, aware that the audience of the scientific congress would include the diplomatic representatives of the states of the Western Hemisphere resident in Washington, took the opportunity to put forth its interpretation of hemispheric security and the need to build up defensive power. Thus, the character of the meeting was altered from a collegial exchange of professionals to a facsimile of a full-dress inter-American diplomatic conference.
One of the consequences was that, unlike the Congresses that had been held in South America, the Washington congress did not include women among the "savants, scientists, and publicists" invited. The women were relegated to the balconies.
Thus began the second phase of women's efforts to focus attention on issues of their special concern. In response to their debarment from the official Washington meetings, a number of Latin American women, among them educators and other professionals, diplomats' wives and daughters, foregathered with their North American counterparts to form an auxiliary meeting—a meeting that attracted so many participants that the women overflowed the small room they had originally been allotted and were moved to the ballroom of the Mayflower Hotel this fact was carefully noted in the minutes.
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Enervating Jervis's sandpaper, his organdie made an incipient leap. Did women as the counter-voice at the international conferences vanish after , only to reemerge during the United Nations International Year of the Woman in ? One in Baltimore in began with the intention of emphasizing the importance of suffrage, but concluded with a platform calling for international peace through arbitration; abolition of the white slave trade; access to education at all levels; the right of married women to control their own property and earnings and to secure equal guardianship; the encouragement of organizations, discussion, and public speaking among women and freedom of opportunity for women to cultivate and use their talents and to secure their political rights; and, finally, the promotion of friendliness and understanding among all Pan-American countries, with the aim of maintaining perpetual peace in the hemisphere.
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